The Pitfalls of Disorder Northern Pakistan

 

"World Order is shaping and reshaping with the emergence of new global forces, but Northern Pakistan is still frozen in its peculiar political order"

When history is not taken seriously, it repeats itself and reacts. For a long time, the people of Gilgit-Baltistan have dedicated their efforts to abolishing the colonial rhetoric of specific political violations, such as colonial legislation, unequal representation, Khalsa Sarkar, State Punishment, political rights constraints, and so on. This quest for constitutional protection against postcolonial oppression would emerge gradually from the neoliberal universalism's misunderstanding as a claim to nationhood. The lack of a link between the educated class and the general public, as well as a lack of readiness for the practical link. To be more specific, their idleness and cowardice at a critical juncture in the battle will result in tragic catastrophe. 

Between the lines, the nation’s conscience is found in the fulfilment and embrace of fundamental rights, which are the people’s deepest hopes. But the people’s realization would be an empty shell in any event, a crude and frail mockery of what it may have become. When dealing with young and independent nations, the defects we identity provide a good adequate explanation for how readily the nation is in favor of the race, and the tribe is favored over the state. these are the chinks in the edifice that betray the backward trend that is so damaging to national endeavor and unity. We will show that such moves backward, with all that defects and serious risks, are the historical result of the national middle class’s failure to rationalize popular action, that is, their inability to see into the causes for such actions.

This conventional weakness is due to the intellectual poverty and cosmopolitan drive that sets in, rather than the colonized people of the colonial regime. The new service class obtains power at the end of the colonial system, but it has no practical economic strength and cannot compete with Pakistan's federal government. The emerging middle class is readily persuaded, thanks to its deliberate narcissism, that it can benefit from Pakistan's mainland service class. The religious affiliation with mainland religious clerics and seminaries, on the other hand, left the idea of political emancipation. Despite the fact that political orientations push it into mainstream political ideologies that instill the concept of development initiatives.

As a result, the psychology of the new service class, which defines citizen classification, became variable. It divided the people into separate groups based on race, color, sect, language, and educational attainment. After Pakistan's renowned dictator Zia ul Haq enforced the Jihadist ideology in the northern provinces, these divided groups contributed to sectarian warfare. Fear and worry gradually creep into the population's mentality in this manner. Now, it appears that the historical reality of a true national betrayal is to consider the intellectual and technical capital that rejects its contradictions' character.

The historical consciousness, which develops fluid identities and fake national heroic figures, is highlighted in political conflict zones where the middle class should be considered the champion of development. The case for political empowerment and public mobilization was undercut by these too ambitious engagements and pledges. On the other hand, federal political parties contested elections and sang pro-constitutional rights chants, causing the political process to be derailed. As a result, Pakistan's northern areas have been locked in a unique political order as a result of these delaying tactics.